The Philippine Government’s Relentless Violence of its People

Throughout history, the Philippine government has systematically employed violence as a policy tool, targeting the poorest and most vulnerable to enforce programs that benefit big corporations, political dynasties, and foreign businesses. The victims of massacres, killings, abductions, rape, and illegal arrests perpetrated by state forces are overwhelmingly those least equipped to defend themselves within the bounds of the law.

Massacres in Philippine History

Massacre victims include farmers and Indigenous peoples defending their lands and ancestral domains against land grabbing and destructive development projects, workers and union organizers, human rights defenders, children participating in community farming, unarmed civilians, and even individuals falsely accused of being part of "criminal syndicates" in rub-out cases disguised as legitimate operations.

During the Martial Law of Marcos Sr. (1972–1986), aside from the thousands killed, kidnapped, tortured, jailed, or disappeared by state agents, two infamous massacres stand out:

• The Palimbang (Palisbong) Massacre in Sultan Kudarat (September 24, 1974), where around 1,500 male Moros aged 11–70 were killed inside a mosque. Women were arrested, raped, and children detained, while houses were razed.
• The Bingcul Massacre (November 12, 1977) in Mindanao, where 47 villagers, including women and children, were slaughtered by the government-backed Civilian Home Defense Force.

Even after the so-called "restoration of democracy" following the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution with Cory Aquino in Power, human rights abuses continued. For instance:

• The Mendiola Massacre (January 22, 1987): Twelve farmers protesting for genuine agrarian reform were gunned down by state forces under President Cory Aquino’s regime.
• The Hacienda Luisita Massacre (November 16, 2004): Seven farmworkers were killed when police opened fire on striking workers demanding higher wages within the Aquino family’s hacienda.

In recent years, state-sponsored massacres have persisted:

• Himamaylan Massacre (June 14, 2023): Four members of the Fausto family were killed following red-tagging.
• Bloody Sunday (March 7, 2021): Nine activists and union leaders were killed in Southern Tagalog during police operations.
• Tumandok Massacre (December 20, 2020): Nine Indigenous Tumandok were murdered in Panay Island for opposing the Jalaur Mega Dam.
• Hacienda Nene Massacre (October 20, 2018): Nine sugar workers were killed in Sagay, Negros Occidental due to a land dispute.
• Lake Sebu Massacre (December 3, 2017): Eight Lumads were killed by the 33rd Infantry Battalion.
• Palo Massacre (November 21, 2005): Seven farmers were killed by the 19th Infantry Battalion while engaging in community farming.

Just like their script with Operation Tokhang against drug war victims, government forces excused themselves from accountability by saying that the massacres happened during ‘legitimate encounters’ with members of the New People’s Army. The government’s "nanlaban" (fought back) narrative also echoes the rhetoric used in Operation Tokhang during the drug war. Survivors and witnesses consistently debunk these claims, exposing them as blatant fabrications. To add insult to injury, the bodies of the victims are paraded in the communities to sow fear among the families and community members.

While these incidents occurred in different parts of the country, a common thread binds them: they were targeted by the Philippine government for being peasants asserting their right to land, indigenous communities defending their ancestral domains against destructive development projects, workers and union organizers demanding better wages and working conditions, and human rights defenders advocating for the protection of basic rights. All of them were red-tagged as 'suspected supporters' of armed revolutionary groups, making them perceived legitimate targets of state forces.

Despite witnesses and clear evidence of human rights violations, justice remains elusive. These atrocities are often labeled as ‘legitimate military operations,’ making it exceedingly rare for the perpetrators to be held accountable, even years after the incidents.

Violence Against Women: A Weapon of War

Women and children are often victims of r*pe and sexual violence by military personnel in the Philippines. Reports of soldiers assaulting minors and trafficking women are rampant in militarized zones. The Center for Women’s Resources in its March 2024 Ulat Lila Report outlined the following recent incidents:

• The rape of a 15-year-old and a young woman by members of the 94th Infantry Battalion (August 2023).
• A 10-year-old girl raped by a CAFGU member in Davao City (April 23, 2023).
• A 19-year-old woman gang-raped by police in Cebu City (May 23, 2023).

Sexual violence is often coupled with harassment, intimidation, and exploitation, further subjugating communities under military occupation. It is also a well-known practice of military personnel assigned to peasant or indigenous communities to harass and intimidate women and the community to break their will to fight. In many cases, state agents court women, impregnate and then abandon them. Prostitution and sex trafficking are also rampant in highly militarized areas; women are forced to enter prostitution because of the dire economic conditions.

Institutionalizing Red-Tagging and Militarization

Successive administrations have institutionalized state terror through counterinsurgency programs such as Bantay Laya, Bayanihan, and Kapayapaan. These frameworks, modeled after U.S. counterinsurgency strategies, aim to suppress dissent rather than address its root causes.

Under former President Duterte, Executive Order 70 established the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), which engaged in widespread red-tagging and harassment of activists, journalists, and even public officials. Despite public outcry, the NTF-ELCAC remains active under the current Marcos Jr. regime.

The Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) further legitimized state terrorism, with over 100 activists facing cases under this draconian law by mid-2024. These legal instruments stifle dissent and restrict essential humanitarian work, leaving marginalized communities without critical support.

Worsening Repression, Strengthening Resistance

Human rights violations under the Marcos Jr. regime have escalated, with a 66% rise in indiscriminate firing incidents and a staggering 766% increase in victims of bombings from 2022 to 2023. These numbers represent real lives lost, families shattered, and communities terrorized.

Beyond the violations carried out through military operations and by armed personnel, the government’s implementation of laws, policies, and programs further exacerbates the hardships of ordinary Filipinos. Neo-liberal economic policies that allow foreign ownership of land and resources pose a grave threat to Filipino farmers and indigenous communities, undermining their livelihoods and rights. Meanwhile, the government's refusal to address workers’ demands for higher wages, regular employment, and better working conditions worsens the situation, especially amid rising inflation. Cases of gender-based violence continue to flood the courts, and as long as perpetrators remain unpunished, women and children’s lives remain under constant threat, with victims left vulnerable to further abuse.

The People’s Struggle Endures

These daily challenges, compounded by the repressive and oppressive political climate, also fuel the determination of Filipinos to organize and fight back. They inspire the people to build and strengthen movements and forge unities across the nation. While Philippine history books may omit the government’s bloody record, and mainstream media may shy away from reporting the full extent of human rights violations, Filipinos carry these memories with them. Their collective experiences serve as a powerful reminder and inspiration to strive for a better society.

The struggle for justice, human rights, a brighter future, genuine agrarian reform, and national industrialization sustains many. As one woman activist aptly said: “We poor people are fighting to survive. We survive to fight back.”

Sources

• MindaNews, 1,500 Moro massacre victims during Martial Law honored, September 26, 2014,www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2014/1500-moro-massacre-victims-during-martial-law-honored
• Rappler, MARTIAL LAW FACT CHECKS: FALSE: ‘No massacres’ during Martial Law, September 21, 2018, www.rappler.com/newsbreak/fact-check
• Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s Rank Hypocrisy And Denialism in the Face of Escalating Human Rights and IHL violations, Karapatan: Monitor, June 2024 Issue
• Ulat Lila 2024: Report On The Situation of Filipino Women, Center for Women’s Resources, March 2024

• Loved ones of disappeared activists grieve, demand justice, Dominic Gutoman, Bulatlat, Nov 2024, https://www.bulatlat.org/2024/11/03/loved-ones-of-disappeared-activists-grieve-demand-justice/